Tragedy of election under repression

An explosion will come when there are enough people who come to know the truth, ignited by a spark in a combustible atmosphere.

At this time when Barisan Nasional leaders are indulging in an orgy of throwing public funds to buy votes in the current Sarawak state elections with polling only days from now, it is indeed heartening to hear the Coalition for Free and Fair Elections Bersih 2.0 categorically insisting that all forms of material inducement for votes including election promises constitute an election offence.

Bersih 2.0 chairman Ambiga Sreenevasan’s statement came in the wake of Transparency International Malaysia (TI-M) president Paul Low’s reservation as to whether election promises could be considered bribery and de facto law minister Mohd Nazri Abdul Aziz’s outright denial of any election goodies handed out during elections as corruption.

Anyone who has read through Sections 10 and 11 of the Election Offences Act 1954 should not have the slightest doubt that the rampant bribery that is going now in the form allocation of funds for a sundry of projects and purposes by BN leaders is indeed serious election offences.

These election goodies are no vague promises but actual allocation of funds with specific quantum to specific recipients or for specific projects.

In short, these intended disbursements are executive decisions already made by the BN political leadership, for the obvious purpose of inducing the voters to return BN to power.

Clear cut bribery

Section 10 of the Act defines bribery, in meticulous and elaborate details, as material benefits or promises in all forms dished out to induce votes.

Section 11 provides that such offences of “treating, undue influence and bribery” shall be punishable under the Criminal Procedure Code.

These laws are so clear-cut that there should not be any room for any offender, enforcement body or the judiciary to wiggle its way from being accountable to the law.

Take for instance the announcement made on March 30 by the Deputy Prime Minister cum Education Minister Muhyiddin Yassin in Kuching, Sarawak, that allocations of a total of RM73.68 million were made for three types of schools in Sarawak.

He said RM25.68 million was for 130 missionary schools, RM20 million for 197 Chinese type national schools and RM28 million for 1,266 national schools.

Muhyiddin further said that RM50,000 would be given to each missionary school in the near future through BN representative in the area concerned. The allocations’ initial disbursement of RM6.5 million to these schools will be followed by payment of the balance in the second round.

Now, isn’t that the clearest act of bribery? Any fool can see that such a sudden announcement of avalanche of ad hoc funds to the schools in the state only days before polling was intended to induce the electorate to vote in favour of BN.

And why single out Christian missionary schools for early payment? The reason is that Christians have been riled up by BN government lately through the detention of their Malay language Bibles and such promise of early disbursement would at least soothe some ruffled feeling to minimize electoral damage.

And why only disburse through BN representatives? This is of course a subtle blackmail that unless the BN candidate in your constituency is returned in the election, you may not get the promised cash endowment.

EC must act

Muhyiddin and BN are therefore guilty of not only bribery and blackmail, but also of abuse of power, as the funds that are used to buy votes are not BN money but public funds that belong to the people.

I see no reason why the Election Commission (EC) should not immediately give a stern notice to Muhyiddin that he has committed election offences; and the EC should also promptly make a report to both the police and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission with a view to take the necessary action for prosecution under the Criminal Procedure Code.

BN leaders have been observed to flout election laws with increasing abandonment as exhibited in their openly corrupt conduct in the last few by-elections; and the current Sarawak elections may yet see them achieving new heights in this direction.

Only two days before the dissolution of the Sarawak state assembly, both Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak and his deputy Muhyiddin individually made announcements in Sarawak allocating funds that total well over RM300 million.

On that day – March 19 – Najib announced in Serian that BN had allocated RM252 million for infrastructure projects that included rural electrification, clean water supply, roads and health clinic for the 7,700 households in the district.

On the same day, Muhyiddin announced in Sri Aman that BN had allocated a total of RM81 million of funds for the area. These include RM60.8 million for building a school in Lingga, RM18.5 million for the 15km Stumbin-Tanjung-Bijat-Stirau road, RM50 million to upgrade the Sembau-Stumbin road, RM1 million for flood mitigation projects at five Malay villages and RM600,000 for several longhouses.

There are of course many other goodies, announced and unannounced, big and small, such as the 2,000 hectares of land awarded to Chinese schools for generating incomes to supplement their operating expenditures, and the ubiquitous 1Malaysia NGO organizing sumptuous meals daily, complete with stage shows and lucky draws to make the electorate happy, compliments from BN of course.

We have not reached the formal campaign period yet, which will officially start on nomination day which falls on April 6.

God knows how many more millions of public funds will be abused and dumped on the Sarawak electorate and how many more ingenious inducement will be unleashed to procure votes for BN.

Collapse of law enforcement

The scenario of DPM Muhyiddin being nabbed by law as suggested earlier is of course a theoretical construct.
In reality, none of the errant BN leaders is at risk of being convicted. This is due to the fact that the entire chain of law enforcement from EC and police to prosecutors and judges function more as henchmen of the incumbent power to preserve its rule, rather than as institutions which owe their loyalty to the country and the people.

Under these circumstances, the only constitutional redress lies with the electorate – if only they would exercise their votes to mete out punishment to the political leadership that has betrayed people’s trust. But that is a big IF.

The prerequisite to the people acting wisely as the final arbiter is that the people must first be enlightened of the truth.
In a democratic country, this is no problem, as the people are well informed by an independent and free media. In fact, such flagrant transgression of election laws could never have happened in a democracy, for the ruling party would have been hounded out of office by unstoppable media onslaught alone without waiting for the electorate to do the sacking.

But not so in a repressive country like Egypt under Mubarak or Tunisia under Ben Ali, or for that matter, the Umno hegemony.

The reason is simple, in addition to iron-fisted control through repressive legislation and degraded institutions, the country’s tightly-controlled mass media ensures that the majority of people are kept in the darkness.

Repression leads to people power

The people of Egypt and Tunisia succeeded in overthrowing their autocratic rulers, people power style, only because of the presence of a combination of factors, among which is the break out of information stranglehold through skilful utilization of modern information technology such as Internet and hand phones.

These devices enabled a large section of the populace to be instantly informed of the latest true picture, as well as facilitated prompt mobilization of mass movement.

While it is outside the scope of this article to look into the various factors contributing to these people power phenomena, one important lesson we must learn is about elections in a repressive country.Take the case of Mubarak who reigned for three decades. At the last election in 2005 when he was re-elected for a fifth six-year term, he garnered 88% of the votes cast in a ‘democratic’ election.

But when the people power came, he was literarily chased out of office through irrepressible anger expressed by almost unanimity of masses across the land.

If the thumping majority he received in every one of the past five elections over three decades had been obtained through really democratic elections, is it conceivable that the entire population would have turned violently against him overnight?

The lesson is that the so-called democratic elections held under repressive conditions, such as those in Egypt, Tunisia and Malaysia, are potential time-bombs.

The explosion will come when there are enough people who come to know the truth, ignited by a spark in a combustible atmosphere.

Let BN be warned that its unrestrained violation of democratic norms are moves that are channeling the country towards that regrettable destiny.

Comment by: Kim Quek is the author of The March to Putrajaya which has been banned by the home ministry.

Sabah lawyers want action on state’s ‘lost right’

The Government must act to reinstate powers of appointment to Governers of Sabah and Sarawak in light of the landmark High Court ruling, says Sabah Law Association.

KOTA KINABALU: The Sabah Law Association (SLA) said the onus is on the state government to follow up on the landmark March 17 Kota Kinabalu High Court ruling that Article 122AB of the Federal Constitution, which strips the Governors of Sabah and Sarawak of the power to appoint Judicial Commissioners, was null and void.

“The state government should take the necessary executive or legislative action to remedy the situation,” said John Sikayun, the president of the SLA which functions like the Bar Council of Malaya.



The state government’s power with reference to Judicial Commissioners, according to Sikayun, is provided for under Article VIII of the Malaysia Agreement of 1963.

The starting point, Sikayun said, of the ruling by Justice David Wong Dak Wah, was the report of the Inter-Governmental Committee, 1962 (IGC) and the Malaysia Agreement of 1963.

The IGC contains the terms and conditions under which Sabah and Sarawak agreed to form Malaysia and this is reflected in Article VIII of the Malaysia Agreement.

The Article 122AB amendment, therefore, had contravened the IGC Report which “for all intent and purposes set out the rights of Sabah and Sarawak in the formation of Malaysia”.

Sikayun noted four pertinent points in the ruling – the consent of the respective Governors of Sabah and Sarawak, the Judicial Appointments Commission Act 2008 (JACA), public interest litigation and the power of the prime minister to amend any provisions of the JACA 2008.

The SLA, said Sikayun, was in agreement with Wong that the 1994 amendment to remove the power of the Sabah and Sarawak Governors to appoint Judicial Commissioners was invalid as it was done without their consent and that of the two states.

“There was no evidence before the court that the concurrence of the Sabah and Sarawak Governors was obtained,” said Sikayun. “Such consent is a necessary pre-condition under Article 161E(2)(b) of the Federal Constitution.”

Prerogative powers

The appointment of Judicial Commissioners, said Sikayun, is a matter that concerns the composition of the High Court. Any change to the make-up or structure of the High Court, the concurrence of the respective Sabah and Sarawak Governors was necessary. The aberration on concurrence aside, JACA 2008 was not unconstitutional, Sikayun conceded.

“The Act does not take away the prime minister’s prerogative powers in making judicial appointments,” said Sikayun. “However, in making his recommendations to the King on the appointment of judges to the superior courts under Article 122B, the prime minister shall consider the names of the persons selected by the Judicial Appointments Commission.”

Likewise, in the SLA’s view, the JACA 2008 does not affect the appointments of the Chief Judge or the Judges of the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak.

“The prime minister, before tendering his advice to the King on the appointment of the Chief Judge of Sabah and Sarawak, has to consult with certain personalities,” Sikayun said.

“These include the Chief Judge of each of the High Court, the Chief Minister of the states concerned, that is, Sabah and Sarawak.

“Further, in respect of the appointment of judges to the High Court, he shall consult the Chief Judge of the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak,” he added..

One loophole is that there is no provision in the JACA 2008 as to when the process of selecting suitable candidates is to occur, that is, before or after the prime minister consults with the relevant judges.

(Malaysia has two High Court systems, that is, one for Malaya (Peninsular Malaysia) and the other for Sabah and Sarawak (formerly Borneo). Both High Court systems are equal but separate)

Healthy democratic society

Sikayun said one noteworthy feature of the March 17 ruling was Section 37 of the JACA 2008 being null and void. The JACA empowers the prime minister to amend any provisions of the Act by way of a gazette.

The doctrine of separation of powers embodied in the Federal Constitution, the High Court upheld, dictates that only Parliament can make or amend laws.

Sikayun said the ruling highlighted the importance of public interest litigation as “a very useful tool in the administration of justice”.

This concept was particularly important when it comes to the human rights of those who are adversely affected by any law or decisions of the authorities but are illiterate or lack the financial resources, or do not have access to justice.

“As public interest litigation leads to a healthy democratic society, it should be encouraged and not silenced,” Sikayun said.

The ruling followed a suit brought by retired policeman Robert Linggi on March 13, 2009, against the federal government.

Before amendments to Article 122A (3) and (4) of the Federal Constitution on June 24, 1994, the appointment of Judicial Commissioners to the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak were by the respective Governors acting upon the advice of the Chief Judge of the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak.

After June 24, 1994, the power of the respective heads of state to appoint Judicial Commissioners was taken away by the Constitution (Amendment) Act 1994 which incorporated a new Article 122AB of the same constitution.

However, Article 166E(2) prohibits amendments to the Federal Constitution without the consent of the respective heads of state “if the amendment is such as to affect the operation of the Federal Constitution as regards the constitution and jurisdiction of the High Court of Sabah and Sarawak.”
By Joe Fernandez

Musa turns up heat on media

FMT

Sabah Chief Minister comes down hard on publications reporting news detrimental to his administration.

KUALA LUMPUR: Sabah Chief Minister Musa Aman has shown his vicious iron fist to come down hard on the local media and journalists in the state.

They are feeling the heat from chief minister’s office for doing what they have been hired to do and what their bosses and readers expect of them – reporting news without fear or favour.

Several said they were instructed to write in a certain way and not to highlight Barisan Nasional (BN) problems and to play down criticism of his administration.

Various “arm-twisting” methods have also been employed, according to sources, by the chief minister’s press officers to force newspaper owners to comply with his ‘rules’.

“The feeling is that Musa wants everyone to adhere to the New Sabah Times (controlled by Musa) style of reporting,” said a journalist.

“How are we going perform if we not allowed to our jobs… that is to report the news fairly and accurately? We can’t suppress opposition news and views,” said the journalist.

Musa’s wariness of bad press comes in the wake of renewed criticism of his administration from within his own BN coalition. He has been accused of taking on a dictatorial stance and playing one coalition party against the other.

Most of the local media have gone to town with the reported self-destruction within the ruling coalition.
In an effort to rectify his recent missteps, Musa has reportedly asked his officers to stop the newspapers from publishing ‘negative’ reports about his decisions.

Talk is that even the forestry department has been roped in to enforce the chief minister’s ‘censorship’ demands.

According to a story making the rounds, a senior forestry department official had a ‘quiet talk’ with the boss of local newspapers about their coverage.

It was perceived as a threat to the newspaper company which also has a sister outfit granted a ‘Forestry Management Unit’ or FMU by the state after approval by the forestry department.

Rewarding party-hoppers

KTS Plantation Sdn Bhd, the sister company of See Hua Marketing Sdn Bhd which publishes Utusan Borneo (Bahasa Malaysia), See Hua Daily News (Chinese), Borneo Post (English), is among those granted an FMU at Segaliud Lokan Forest Reserve by the government.

Musa, who is the state BN chairman, came under criticism from Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and even MCA leaders for rewarding ‘party-hopping’ within the coalition and appointing Yee Moh Chai of Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) as deputy chief minister.

The news was highlighted in the local papers along with severe criticism of the decision much to the government’s embarrassment.

PBS leader and deputy chief minister Joseph Pairin Kitingan was forced to defend Musa for elevating another member of his party to deputy chief minister at the expense of LDP.

But Musa has also taken flak for keeping two BN members, Raymond Tan and Peter Pang, both of who were former deputy chief ministers who quit their parties, in his cabinet.

While Tan quit SAPP after it left the ruling coalition in 2008, Pang quit LDP after the party had a quarrel with Musa.

He recently joined peninsula-based party, Gerakan, just as Tan did earlier and was retained as a minister by Musa in his recent Cabinet reshuffle.

Christian fire harmless without torchbearers, say analysts

Clara Chooi



PETALING JAYA, April 1 — Christian unrest over the Alkitab bibles row may not impact the Sarawak polls as much as expected if the community’s conservative leaders continued to shun politics, according to analysts familiar with the matter.


While the scholars conceded that the Christians made up over 50 per cent of the electorate in the east Malaysian state, they claimed the community’s more vocal segment made up only a very small part of the population.

But they also did not rule out the possibility that the Alkitab row could be the straw that breaks the camel’s back for the community, which has been keeping their opposition against the government in check over the past few decades.

“Influential? No, not very influential because the church leaders... the Chinese, the Ibans, the Orang Ulus and the Bidayuhs, the more vocal ones are the smaller, indigenous segment of the Christian population on a whole.

“But the more mainstream Christians, the bigger portion, the Methodists and the Catholics and so on, in my experience talking to them, they give me the impression that they are more concerned with the afterworld than they are of what is happening today,” said Professor Jayum Anak Jawan.

The Universiti Putra Malaysia professor was among the three panellists who spoke at a forum on the Sarawak polls at the Hilton Hotel here last night, organised by Merdeka Centre.

The two other speakers were Universiti Teknologi Mara Associate Professor Shaharudin Badaruddin and Dr Faisal Syam Hazis of Universiti Malaysia Sarawak.

Jayum argued that throughout the past decades, the Christian community had been anything but vocal when fighting for their rights in the Hornbill state.

“I tell them sometimes... what are you people telling your congregation? If the state government is ignoring people in the rural areas, you have no access to basic amenities, what are you telling them?

“Exercise your rights and make demands as it is your right but the standard reply is... we are concerned with the afterworld and we respect the separation of state and religion,” he said.

Jayum, however, admitted that the trend was slowly shifting as the electorate was slowly growing increasingly aware and more influenced by outside factors, including those plaguing their kinsmen in the peninsular.

“I do think this will change, not because their perception changes, but more because of the encroachment [onto] their freedom of religion.

“The bible issue is a small one, the issue about their books is not big, but they feel there is encroachment,” he said.

Dr Faisal echoed Jayum’s views, explaining that the number of powerful and influential church leaders in Sarawak was but a few.

“Like Baru Bian (Sarawak PKR chief). He is not only in his capacity as a church elder but also a prominent lawyer.

“But if we are riding on influence from the church alone... it is difficult to say. So, I do not know... if we are just looking at the role of church leaders,” he said.

He added, however, that other than the Alkitab issue, a more pressing matter that could likely influence voter sway in Sarawak from Barisan Nasional (BN) to Pakatan Rakyat (PR) was the issue of imbalanced development.

“The marginalisation of Christians against the Muslim Melanau. And it is not only about (Chief Minister Tan Sri Abdul) Taib Mahmud alone... beyond him, it is development,” he said.

It has been predicted that BN will face strong opposition from the Christian community due to its role in the Alkitab row, an issue that was said to have plagued its campaign even during the Sibu by-election last year.

In the latest of the simmering controversy, the government made a last-ditched effort to salvage some of its support from the community when it recently relented and agreed to release the 35,100 seized bibles in Port Klang and Kuching port.

Despite this, the community snubbed the overture and chose instead to take to the streets in a protest, leading to the prediction that their wrath will peak come polling day in Sarawak this April 16.

Of the 71-state seats in Sarawak, 27 are Malay/Melanau majority, 20 are Iban majority, 15 are Chinese majority, six are Bidayuh majority and three seats are Orang Ulu majority.

Taib’s rule will be a bigger issue than the Alkitab stamping, say the analysts.

Of the total, 20 seats are considered urban areas while 51, or a 71.8 per cent, are rural.


Earlier, Dr Faisal said that while the opposition may have a decent hope of wresting a good number of Chinese seats from BN, the outcome of the polls would largely depend on voter turnout, the quality of PR’s candidates, size of the campaign machinery, local and national issues, consolidation of the opposition’s forces and its component parties and the likelihood of election irregularities.

“These are the key electoral dynamics that make it hard to truly determine the outcome of the polls,” he said.

He added that over 200,000 Sarawak voters presently reside in the peninsular.

Earlier, Jayum painted a bleak picture of the opposition’s chances in Sarawak, claiming that political apathy among the local folk would result in an “unsurprising” polls outcome.

“You have to understand the society... the political behaviour of the Sarawak people. It is doubtful that the Malay/Melanaus will abandon their own kind... they never have and they probably will not do it now.

“And then the Iban seats. I would not place my money to bet that any may fall to the opposition.

“The Bidayuhs or the Orang Ulus... their communities are too small to initiate any damage. The only volatile group here is the Chinese community,” he said.

Nomination day for the Sarawak polls has been set for April 6 while polling will take place on April 16.

PKR-Snap haggling over seats continues

Stephen Tiong

Although the PKR, DAP and PAS have finally managed to agree on the sharing of seats for the Sarawak state elections, negotiations between PKR and Snap are still ongoing.

According to PKR state chief Baru Bian, Snap has agreed to concede six out of the 27 Dayak-majority seats to PKR and talks over the remaining 21 seats remain unresolved.

All four parties were suppose to name their respective seats last night during a press conference. Snap leaders were missing from the event.

"The talks between PKR and Snap are still on. We hope to reach a decision by April 4," Baru (right) said. "This matter will be resolved in the spirit of Pakatan Rakyat, just as we from PKR, DAP and PAS have agreed on the seat allocations."

Baru said Snap was adamant about the seats it wanted to contest, "but we hope that they will be flexible and get back to us before April 4".

He remains optimistic about solving the seat allocation problem with Snap, "unless it is not possible anymore to discuss with them", adding that PKR did not have any 'Plan B' in the event Snap was not agreeable to a compromise solution.

"I also do not want PKR to be portrayed as a party that does not want to resolve its problem with Snap. The ball is now in Snap's court. It is up to them to take it."

Seat swap on give-and-take basis

State DAP chief DAP Wong Ho Leng said his party switched the Batu Lintang seat for PKR's Pandungan on a "give and take basis".

The party would name its candidates in the southern region of Sarawak on Saturday and those for the northern region seats on Sunday.

The other seats DAP will contest are Pending, Kota Sentosa, Batu Kawah, Simanggang, Meradong, Repok, Bukit Assek, Pelawan, Dudong, Bawang Assan, Kidurong, Pujut, Piasau and Bukit Kota.

Wong (left) said PKR, DAP and PAS were able to agree on seat allocations because they gave priority to the party that was best able to win the seats for Pakatan.

"Incumbency was never an issue in our negotiations over the seats," he added.

Sarawak PAS commissioner Adam Ahid said his party will do battle in the Tanjung Datu, Muara Tuang, Sadong Jaya, Sebuyau and Beting Maro seats.

"We are very happy to be allocated these five seats," Adam said, adding that all the party's candidates are professionals with high moral values.

PAS contested in three seats in the 2006 state election and narrowly lost Saribas.

Musa's 60th Birthday gift ... a Lamborghini?

Birthday cake surprise for Datuk Seri Musa Aman attended by Umno and PBS leaders. Leaders of other component parties were visibly not present.

Musa's birthday cake is lavishly topped with a model Lamborghini....

Market value for a brand new Lamborghini LB 640 is priced at a whopping RM3 million! Wondering if it represented a gift in-waiting for the CM.

Is this the model type?

MCLM meets SAPP

Kota Kinabalu, March 31, 2011: Malaysian Civil Liberties Movement (MCLM) President, Haris Ibrahim said if the federal government was serious about 1Malaysia, then there will not be the concept of 'ketuanan melayu'.

 

"Look at how the government deal with the Al-kitab issue, fundamental rights of any citizen to practise their own faith and freedom of religion were trespassed," he said.

 

"Instead, we should embrace it ... reading of the other religious books will create better understanding likewise on greater understanding of our diverse culture, races, languages.

 

When asked about the 'cow head incident' in Shah Alam on the protest against the Hindu shrine relocation and the burning of churches last year, Haris said it was the work of Umno members.

"Where is the political will and sincerity to see 1Malaysia through? It is no different from Mahathir's Wawasan 2020 and Paklah's ....Tembirang," Haris said.

Recorded radio interview....

Birokrasi Dalam SESB

Saudara Pengarang,

SAPP menerima banyak aduan daripada kontraktor-kontraktor yang melaksanakan dan menyiapkan kerja-kerja di 32 stesen SESB di Negeri Sabah. Ramai pengadu ini adalah terdiri dari kontraktor-kontraktor kecil bumiputra yang berjaya mendapat kontrak SESB secara kecil-kecilan.

Apa yang menjadi rungutan mereka, kalau dulu siap saja kerja-kerja yang mereka buat, SESB akan membayar mereka dalam jangka masa 2 atau 3 bulan. Sekarang dengan sistem baru, PO dilulus dan dibuat di Ibupejabat SESB Kota Kinabalu, mereka terpaksa menungu berbulan-bulan untuk mendapatkan pembayaran tuntutan mereka daripada SESB.

Ada antara mereka terpaksa menunggu 12 hingga 15 bulan untuk mendapat pembayaran. Perkara ini telah menyebabkan mereka menghadapi masalah perbelanjaan harian keluarga, melangsaikan hutang-hutang bahan-bahan peralatan yang diambil dari kedai-kedai untuk menyampaikan projek-projek yang dianugerahkan.

Selaku Timbalan Pengerusi SAPP CLC N.17, Tanjung Aru, saya merasakan bahawa birokrasi SESB dalam pengurusan yang remeh-temeh ini telah menyebabkan kesusahan terhadap kontraktor-kontraktor kecil bumiputra.

SESB khasnya dan TNB amnya harus bersikap lebih prihatin dan mengambil tindakan dan inisiatif positif terhadap kontraktor kecil bukan sahaja bumiputra tetapi semua kaum yang terlibat dalam melaksanakan kerja-kerja mereka.

Bukankah Kerajaan BN sudah menyarankan supaya kontraktor-kontraktor yang melaksana dan menyiapkan projek-projek kerajaan supaya dibayar dengan seberapa cepat (kalau boleh satu minggu) dari tarikh ianya disiapkan.

Diharapkan SESB / TNB mengambil tindakan yang sewajarnya. Janganlah kontraktor-kontraktor kecil ini dijadikan mangsa birokrasi !

Salam Hormat,

BAHARI ASHIP

TI-M unfazed by 'polls bribe' criticism

Amidst brickbats, the Malaysian chapter of corruption watchdog Transparency International-Malaysia (TI-M) is maintaining its position that government handouts during election campaigns are blatant vote buying tactics.

"Of course it's a bribe. What else could it be? If you are outrightly giving a voter RM1,000 and say 'vote for me', what else could it be? There have to be clear do's and don'ts," TI-M president Paul Low said.

Speaking on the sidelines of a function in Kuala Lumpur today, Low also maintained that promises made during campaigns constitute a grey area.


Minister in the Prime Minister's Department Mohd Nazri Abdul Aziz told Parliament on Tuesday that “assistance”, such as giving out sewing machines during election campaigns, are not considered vote buying.

He said this was because “assisting” the public was part of the ruling party's way of fulfilling its election manifesto, adding that “assistance” can be given at any time.

Responding to this, TI-M held a press conference yesterday to denounce Nazri's position, but said that it was “not bothered” about promises or pledges made during elections.

TI-M doesn't want to argue

This elicited a strong response from polls watchdog Coalition for Free and Fair Elections (Bersih 2.0) chairperson Ambiga Sreenevasen, who said that promising development in return for votes was “clear cut bribery”.

Nazri also issued an immediate rebuttal against Low, referring to a 1981 court decision that it was not an offence but in line with the government's responsibility to ensure development and allocate funds, regardless of whether there was an election.

When asked about this, Low remained diplomatic and said he was merely conveying TI-M's position and did not wish to engage in an argument with anyone.

"This is basically just our point of view," he told reporters after the launch of the corporate integrity pledge and anti-corruption principles function at Bursa Malaysia.

The event was launched by the minister in charge of the Performance, Management and Delivery Unit (Pemandu), Idris Jala, who said the pledge could be a step in getting corporations to unite against bribery during the tender process.

With the pledge taken on a voluntary basis, Idris said, he hoped companies would embody the spirit of the pledge, instead of "treating it just as a piece of paper". (Regina Lee)

GTP and the stink of reality

Jewan Kaur

Snatch thefts, robberies and murders are almost a daily threat and the result is people are afraid to leave their homes, terrified of the danger lurking outside.Crimes like rape are far from decreasing. Not a day goes by without newspapers reporting about it. This does not include the rapes perpetrated by those in authority.

For those in police custody, they should count their blessings if they do not end up dead in their cells. In the face of all this, Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak has declared his contentment with the performance of civil servants.


In an interview with Malaysian Business magazine recently, Najib said he was surprised that set targets have been achieved and some even surpassed. “This is a wonderful testament to the commitment by the civil service,” he said, and added that “much of what we promised has been delivered.”

The promises talked about include better public transport, fighting corruption, reducing crime rate and poverty respectively. What commitment is the prime minister talking about? Civil servants are merely doing what they are paid to do, no more. Maybe it is a case of being overworked and underpaid, as government servants have forgotten how to greet the people.

Some of them even take the liberty of insulting their customers over queries made. Is that what great job is all about? Najib is on the edge, confident that the Government Transformation Programme (GTP) will do wonders for the country. Instead of glossing over the end results, he must make sure the people on the ground are serving the public without fear or favour.

Reality check is in place to alert Najib not to exaggerate the achievements of the civil service. Is Najib aware that cosmopolitan Kuala Lumpur fails miserably in the cleanliness rating? The city is as dirty as a City Hall waste truck, with rubbish scattered everywhere. The drains in town are horrendously clogged, often the cause of those notorious flash floods assaulting the city.

Pedestrian bridges are filthy, reeking of urine stench and the lighting doesn’t work – clear evidence of the local council workers not doing their jobs. Plus, these bridges have become a haven for drug addicts, vagabonds and beggars who have turned them into makeshift homes. All this has forced pedestrians to refrain from using these facilities for fear of being mugged or harassed by drug addicts or beggars.They rather risk their lives and dash across the streets.

The bus stops outside the Light Rail Train (LRT) stations are never lit up when it is dark, giving the LRT commuters the creeps when waiting there for the bus or taxi.

Cheap tiles

Since Najib takes great pride in his “people first, performance now” mantra, does it bother him to know that cheap tiles are used for the flooring of LRT stations, resulting in commuters having near falls each time they have to dash for the train. And in the heart of the city too, there are drains with covers no where in sight.

Tourist spots like Petaling Street and Central Market are crying out for sufficient rubbish bins as the few that are there are choked to the brim with waste.

Where the public buses are concerned, its drivers are told by their management to cut down on the use of the air-condition to save cost.

All this comes at who’s expense if not the people? Likewise, the Komuter train service is just as lousy, with the coaches meant for women leaking, showering the passengers with rain water.

The above are just some examples of a day in the life of the average Malaysian. It is clear that what Najib is claiming cannot be vouched as the truth. The situation on the ground stinks, literally. Instead of throwing dust in the public eyes, he should make sure matters on the ground work effectively for it is his “people first” who are at the receiving end of the services provided by civil servants.

With such inconvenience faced by the people, Najib’s claims are baffling. The quality of life of the ordinary Malaysian has yet to improve, for the reason that the civil servants have yet to clean up their acts. Najib may be in a flutter over the great work done by civil servants but the people will vouch otherwise. His eureka idea of the GTP has brought no tangible improvement in the lives of the people.

Najib said the many civil servants involved in the Performance Management and Delivery Unit (Pemandu) labs, which drew up the targets, were “now keen to see that they deliver on their plans and promises”

“The civil service has been very receptive to the changes that have been introduced with the GTP,” Najib said. “It has proven to be a major catalyst and a benchmark for the civil service to work harder and as a team for the benefit of the rakyat.”

His words are cold comfort to those in the bottom rung of the totem pole who are the best judges of how things work on the ground. For instance, has Najib’s GTP helped make the working place safe for women?

If the Labour Department director-general Ismail Abdul Rahim can trivialise the proposed Sexual Harassment Bill, that in right earnest speaks of how “committed” Najib’s civil servants are in delivering the goods.

Where is the commitment when KL City Hall workers last year mercilessly abused a street dog while sprucing up the Kepong Sentral railway station, just to make sure the minister visiting the site would be pleased with their good work? Was there a need to treat the dog with such cruelty? The canine died 46 days later. Were the workers reprimanded by the minister concerned or City Hall? Is animal life worth nothing in this country?

Sad, pathetic story

In the face of all this, is the public supposed to take Najib’s words as gospel truth when reality on the ground tells a sad and pathetic story?

Najib said the crime index has decreased by 15% while street crime has reduced by 35%. Credit for this goes to the mobilisation of more than 14,000 police officers to 50 crime hotspots. Also, about 5,000 Rela (People’s Volunteer Corps) and JPAM (Civil Defence Force) members were deployed to the hotspots.

Is Najib’s idea of tackling crime limited to only street crimes like snatch thefts? What is he doing to reduce crimes like rape, domestic violence, child abuse or for that matter make sure the streets are safe for the women and children?

As for the Rela members, they do more harm than good when its members behave in barbaric ways, especially during raiding of premises to nab illegal immigrants. This has resulted in the public having little faith in them and would rather avoid seeking their help. Since Rela’s help is regarded as invaluable by Najib’s government, it is only fair that the recruitment of Rela members be based on proper academic qualifications and aptitude.

In the case of the police, what does the public do when the police abuse their patrol duties and harass the people for money or sexual favours?

The percentage quoted by Najib does not help reassure the people who know better that the roads are still haunted by the presence of snatch thieves, regardless of time of day. There have been many such cases where victims of snatch thieves either end up dead or severly injured for the rest of their lives.

And talking about crime and police, an English daily recently reported that the family of a missing contractor Wong Fook Onn who was murdered on March 20 this year is upset with police investigations into the case. His family lodged a police report after Wong went missing on March 14.

Wong’s father Kim Sai claimed the police never updated the family, prompting the senior Wong to investigate his son’s murder himself. Kim Sai successfully located his son’s missing car and upon alerting the police, was asked to drive the car home.

Kim Sai was  puzzled as the car was evidence in a police case. Wong Senior refused and spent the night keeping an eye on the car to ensure the evidence was not tampered with.

Kim Sai was unhappy as the police reacted indifferently and he has since turned to MCA Public Services and Complaints Department head Michael Chong for assistance.

On March 20, Kim Sai was alerted by a Sin Chew Daily reporter that a body was found in an abandoned
house near the car. The description of the body matched that of  Wong Fook Onn.

Najib also said the ministers had their individual Ministerial Key Result Areas (MKRAs) focused when it came to delivering and achieving targets that had been set for them.

Indeed, if the ministers had their focus intact, a homeless dog would not have been abused at the convenience of the City Hall workers. If the MKRAs is a dedicated effort, the ministers would think twice before skipping Parliament sessions or blowing taxpayers’ money on frivolous things.

Trying so hard to assure the people, Najib said the government would continue to hold engagements with the people to obtain their feedback on possible new areas  of focus. Is all this lip service or will Najib take the people’s comments seriously?

Look beyond poco-poco, Perak mufti told

They call upon the Perak fatwa committee to get its priorities right and understand the spirit of Islam.

KUALA LUMPUR: PAS’ Kuala Selangor MP Dzulkefly Ahmad today called upon Perak Mufti Harrussani Zakaria to get his priorities right and focus on bigger issues plaguing the nation.

Referring to the recent Perak Fatwa committee’s decision to declare the ‘poco-poco’ dance as unlawful, Dzulkefly said religious leaders should instead monitor the government to ensure it was steadfast in the path of righteousness.

“I am not defending ‘poco-poco’ but the mufti should instead address issues like good governance, integrity and rule of law. These are very important Islamic values,”said Dzulkefly who is also PAS central committee member.

On Tuesday, Harussani told a Malay daily that the state Fatwa committee decided to ban the dance as it had elements of Christianity and spirit worship.

Calling the dance ban as uncalled for, Dzulkefly said the senior mufti should put things into the right perspective, including objecting to the use of gutter politics by BN politicians, which were un-Islamic.

“This is more important now, not ‘poco-poco’.

“Islam solves the bigger issues. Once you solve the bigger problems, the smaller ones will go away by itself,”he said.

Don’t give Islam bad name

Sharing Dzulkefly’s views, Shah Alam MP Khalid Samad said the Perak Fatwa committee must understand the spirit of Islam before declaring certain things as ‘haram’ (forbidden).

In Islam, Khalid said, everything is allowed unless there are specific practises within it which rendered it forbidden.

He added that at the end, it depended on the ‘niat’ (intention) of a person in doing the act that rendered a certain act as forbidden.

“For example, in ancient days kings are treated as gods but it is no longer the case now. Just because they were treated as gods in the past does not mean having kings are un-Islamic now.

“The same applies ‘poco-poco’. If a person dances to the tunes with a religious connotation in his heart, then the act can be questioned but if you dance it just for recreation then there is no problem,”said Khalid.

He called upon the state religious committee to dissect an issue thoroughly before issuing an edict to safeguard the good name of Islam.

“If not, people will have a bad impression over Islam. People may think that we cannot accept certain good things,”he said. By G Vinod
------------------------------------------------
Perak patuhi fatwa haramkan poco-poco

March 30, 2011 Tarian diharamkan kerana ia mempunyai unsur kepercayaan agama lain iaitu Kristian selain pemujaan roh.
IPOH: Kerajaan Negeri Perak akan mematuhi keputusan Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Perak berhubung pengharaman tarian poco-poco, kata Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Dr Zambry Abdul Kadir.

Beliau berkata selepas fatwa dikeluarkan, semua pihak perlu menghormatinya dan tidak mempersoalkannya.

Menteri Besar berkata demikian mengulas laporan sebuah akhbar mengenai kenyataan Mufti Perak Tan Sri Harussani Zakaria bahawa Jawatankuasa Fatwa Negeri Perak telah memutuskan tarian berkenaan sebagai haram.

Harussani dilaporkan berkata tarian tersebut diharamkan kerana ia mempunyai unsur kepercayaan agama lain iaitu Kristian selain pemujaan roh dan pewartaan fatwa itu akan dibuat tidak lama lagi.

Dalam perkembangan lain, Zambry berkata proses kelulusan tanah dijalankan mengikut prosedur biasa dan setiap permohonan akan dilayan mengikut peraturan.

“Permohonan akan diproses mengikut peraturan dan undang-undang…jika pemohon layak, kelulusan akan diberikan. Pemohon tidak akan ditanya sama ada menganggotai mana-mana parti,” katanya ketika diminta mengulas dakwaan pembangkang bahawa sebidang tanah di Gopeng diberikan kepada Umno baru-baru ini.

Zambry berkata dakwaan itu tidak seharusnya dilayan kerana sebelum ini, pembangkang mendakwa kerajaan negeri memberi tanah kepada MCA dan MIC.

- Bernama

Hadi on sex scandal and spider webs

Zefry Dahalan

The PAS leader slams the sex-video scandal at a fund raising dinner and tells the crowd that the nation's laws are changed to suit the powers-that-be.

SEREMBAN: PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang slammed the sex-video scandal implicating Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim at a fund raising dinner yesterday.

The Islamic party leader said that Malaysia had “spider web” laws that could be altered to suit the needs of the government.

Commenting on the screening of the video to journalists by the “Datuk T” trio, Hadi called it a drama.

“Who was the cameraman, who was the producer? There is no law here,” he said to the crowd which responded with cries of “Allahu Akbar.”

The PAS leader also took a swipe at former PKR man S Nallakarupan over the latter’s wish to meet Hadi to reveal things about Anwar.

“Who is he? He is not a leader? Which party is he representing?” asked Hadi.

Meanwhile, PKR’s Teluk Kemang MP Kamarul Baharin Abbas told the crowd that former Malacca chief minister Rahim Thamby Chik, one of the three who exposed the video, had not turned up to screen the video for several PKR MPs as promised.

“We were told that Rahim was willing to let five of us watch the video. We informed Anwar that we were going to watch it, and he told us to go ahead.

“So we submitted the names of the MPs who wanted to watch. I think Rahim did not have the guts to face us,” he said.

According to Kamarul, the five MPs were supposed to meet Rahim at the Flamingo Hotel in Kuala Lumpur at 4pm.

“We were there at 3.30pm. We were told that Rahim was caught in the traffic jam, but the Risda headquarters (Rahim is the Risda chairman) is only walking distance away from the hotel.

“We waited until 5.30pm, Rahim didn’t show up, so we left the place,” he said.

Also present at the dinner were PAS secretary-general Mustafa Ali, Negeri Sembilan PAS commissioner Zulkefly Mohamed Omar, DAP’s Rasah MP Loke Siew Fook and PKR Port Dickson state assemblyman M Ravi.

The new book has arrived!

Well, it's arrived at my publisher, anyway. Here's a pic they sent me. I should be getting a copy in a day or two, and it should be in stores within the next few weeks. Very exciting!

MCLM President interview with SabahRTV

Kota Kinabalu: Recorded radio interview with Malaysian Civil Liberties Movement (MCLM) President, Haris Ibrahim on political issues affecting Malaysia and Sabah in particular.... CLICK HERE

SNAP: Why we do what we do

From Paul Kadang, via e-mail

SNAP’s recent re-emergence to reclaim its place in the Sarawak political arena has sparked numerous allegations and prejudgements on the motives of the prime movers of the party’s re-vitalisation.

Presumably made with good intentions, these prejudgements have been voiced out in the internet by political observers who seem to hold themselves out as being totally familiar with the current Sarawak political scene. Most of these, however, contain presumptions that have not been thoroughly examined.

Let me elaborate on the reasons and circumstances leading to SNAP’s re-emergence.

Background

From the beginning since its founding in 1961, SNAP  has had two important characteristics vis-a-vis its support: It has  always been a multiracial party. Of equal importance has been its emphasis on Dayak interests, which is not surprising since this community forms its inner core.

It had been the tearing and cracking of this core by its political opponents since 1970,  through their divide and rule policies,  which not only decapitated SNAP as a viable political organisation but also formed the first significant break in Dayak communal unity.
The manifestation of these divide and rule policies has continued to this day and has been a contributing factor to the dispossession of the Dayak people of much of their properties and lands by unscrupulous people.

Since that time the holy grail of Dayak politics has been to forge their internal unity and cohesion in their search for equitable power sharing in the country.

They have laboured hard towards this end but so far without success. And so to this day, Dayaks have continued to be splintered and their political representation fragmented amongst the various parties in Sarawak.

Over the past eight years, Ibans and other natives did not have any indigenous political party as their platform for democratic dissent.

They gave the benefit of the doubt to SPDP and PRS and even PBB to try to regain the rightful political significance of the native population.

In those eight years, the blatant disregard for Native Customary Rights and Native Customary Land as enshrined in the laws of the state, continued and became even more widespread till today.

All these happened without even the slightest protest coming from legislators and political parties that claim to represent, protect and uphold native interests be they the PBB, SPDP or PRS.

By 2008, the natives, particularly those from the Dayak communities, were totally marginalised politically.

A new generation of native intellectuals then decided that the time had come for natives to depend on no one but themselves to fight their battles.

Answering the clarion call of Reformasi that have yielded fruits in the federal general election of March 2008, these Dayak intellectuals began to look at PKR as the platform from which to fight their battles.

Some became PKR members, while some others watched with keen interest and gave their support from the fringes.

But two years later, they slowly drifted away from PKR for reasons which in total had shown to these intellectuals that native problems are of a low priority to PKR. The instances are as follows.

PKR’s relationship with natives and native Issues

The records show that PKR in Sarawak was started by disenchanted Malay-Melanau politicians splintered from the then and present ruling elite.

For 10 years the main issues that made up PKR Sarawak’s political agenda were their typical infighting and their urge to find a way to replace Taib Mahmud and gang as the ruling elite of Sarawak.

All the office-bearers and head of PKR Sarawak were from that group for most of the 12 years of PKR Sarawak’s existence.

It was only in 2008, with the entry of other native and Dayak intellectuals into the party that wider native issues became part of PKR’s campaign fodder to attract these native votes.

Before this, there were almost no PKR divisions in Dayak-majority constituencies.

Attempts were then made by personalities like Nicholas Bawin to open up branches in Dayak native-majority constituencies.

It is notable that only after 12 years, for the first time ever, a Dayak was appointed a few months ago as head of PKR Sarawak. Even then the appointment was not without vociferous protests from the pioneers of PKR Sarawak.

Till now, no Iban sits in PKR’s inflated Majlis Pimpinan Pusat or its political bureau. These are ominous signs of the patronising attitude of PKR that culminated in the Batang Ai by-election catastrophe of April 2009.

The Batang Ai by-election

The native intellectuals group, Malay Melanau and Dayak, who supported PKR had by the end of 2008 quadrupled in number, ready to adopt PKR as the saviour of the natives. Then came the Batang Ai by-election and it was clear to most of PKR Sarawak native leaders that Nicholas Bawin
was the most viable PKR candidate and was expected to be nominated.

They were astonished therefore that a long time ex-yang berhormat, formerly from the ruling coalition who was not known to be associated with PKR, was appointed instead of Bawin.

That was at the behest and financial lobbying of a Chinese towkay whose official affiliation with PKR was nil but who evidently held a major sway in the personal considerations of PKR’s ketua umum.

Without consultation with PKR’s native leaders, Bawin was dropped.  Such is ‘democracy’ in PKR.

The result of the by-election, as expected, was a major disaster to PKR’s attempts to make inroads into Sarawak Dayak native politics.

PKR’s candidate was thrashed. He obviously did not enjoy the confidence of these intellectuals, who chose to stay away in protest against the evident highhandedness.

As an excuse for their defeat, PKR went into its typical damage control mode in alleging, for instance, that the ballot boxes were switched while in helicopters.

That’s just vintage PKR to ignore the elephant in the room.

In the post-mortem, if ever really there was one, the issue of Dayak leaders’ lack of influence in PKR’s decision-making in Sarawak was never even addressed.

Batang Ai is one of the many things observed bythese intellectuals which raised questions about native-issue priorities in PKR. They have since kept their distance from the party.

PKR remains in their mind as a party that will perpetuate neo-colonial intentions in Sarawak. This is obvious for those who care to see.

Consequently, while those intellectuals were grappling to find a vehicle to voice out native dissatisfaction by natives themselves, SNAP’s re-registration was ordered by the courts. It is only natural therefore that SNAP became a magnet to these partyless native opposition leaders.

SARAWAK STATE ELECTIONS 2011

SNAP was and is very much in favour of an opposition electoral pact for obvious reasons. Now that the possibility of such a pact appears to be diminishing by the day, it is important that political observers and commentators are made aware of the following:

Negotiations

The opposition grouping has no chairman nor a fixed structure. Even then, it does not matter much to SNAP as to who takes the lead in convening negotiations between the four opposition parties (SNAP, PKR, DAP and PAS) as long as certain rules of political decency and civil negotiations are followed and that the management of the negotiations by whomsoever has the competency and the power to decide.

PKR took the mantle and in the same breath publicly announced that it will run in 53 seats and SNAP will be accorded only three. It was as if the seats were for PKR to distribute. SNAP had no choice but to respond publicly that it intends to run in all of the native-majority seats numbering 29.

Negotiations commenced in a haphazard manner and much later than ideally possible. SNAP refuses to be marginalised and to underscore its seriousness and capacity to compete, declared publicly its 16 candidates for 16 named constituencies.

A startled PKR came back to ‘offer’ four seats, instead of three.  SNAP responded to this infantile insult by announcing 11 more candidates for 11 more constituencies. Altogether totalling 27 seats.

PKR’s incompetency in leadership and management of the negotiations was obvious. There was no negotiation agenda and things were done by the seat of their pants and at their convenience.

SNAP expected the first session would have been attended by decision-makers of all parties. There is no point in negotiating if the negotiators have no power or mandate to decide.

Decisions from higher-ups must be obtained at the point of negotiation. That wasn’t the case with PKR. At all times, PKR insisted that the final decision would be made by KL after a negotiating position had been reached by the parties. To any seasoned negotiator, such a statement is already a ball-breaker.

We had also expected that the first order of the day was to get a consensus of the proportionate spread of the number of seats to be contested by each party in accordance to macro demographic factors which all four parties hold themselves to champion for.  It was clear that DAP would run in Chinese-majority areas, PAS in a few Muslim-majority areas and PKR in Malay-Melanau areas, where they had concentrated their efforts in the past decade for better or for worse.

SNAP, being a multiracial party but traditionally a Dayak-based one, will contest in the native-majority areas. It was only in the mixed areas that overlapping claims will have to be resolved through negotiations.

But PKR having suddenly realised that native issues could be the determining issues in the coming elections, and still hung-over from the ecstasy of the 2008 electoral tsunami in the peninsular, thought that by placing their candidates in these native constituencies PKR can be the beneficiary of a Sarawak tsunami.

The opinion-makers and intellectuals who had fled to SNAP therefore fear that the beneficiary of native electoral dissatisfaction may be a national party that has shown in the last two years little sensitivity to the natives’ political predicament. They fear that Sarawak’s native problems, under PKR, will remain secondary to a grander federal plan of PKR’s national leaders. At worst, SNAP will never be able to be given back those constituencies by PKR.

If in fact PKR had made a positive impact in native constituencies and indeed enjoyed native support, by putting in hard work in building up an articulation of native dissatisfaction, the results would have been evident. But instead, PKR had never won nor come close to winning a native-majority seat in three federal elections and two state elections in the 12 years of their existence in Sarawak.

In fact, a number of their candidates lost their deposits.  So much for PKR’s desire to contest in 53 seats.

The second order of the day would be for the negotiating parties to consider the ‘winnability’ of their candidates as a basis for their allocation of the overlapping seats. Till this very moment, the ‘conductor’ of the negotiations themselves has not sorted out their own internal selection problems as to who runs where.

They fear that if they make representations of the winnability of a particular candidate, it may incur the wrath of another party member also aspiring to be the candidate for the same area.

Out of this fear and indiscipline, it is PKR’s practice that their candidates list is only completed on the eve of nomination day so that those among their members who have lost out will not have options but to play along.

Knowing this, SNAP decided that it would not be encumbered by PKR’s internal deficiencies. SNAP announced its candidates way ahead of time to give them a head start in going to the ground in the vast constituencies to familiarise the voters with their candidacy.

What is the status quo?

To date, SNAP has announced its decision to run in 27 of the 29 native-majority seats. It has refrained from contesting in the remaining two seats in deference to the work done by and its support for two PKR native leaders. In a gesture of goodwill and in recognition of the winnability factor, these concessions are made.

The truth is that PKR has no other native leaders of their calibre and SNAP’s candidates in the 27 seats will be at par, if not better than PKR’s candidates.

As it has always maintained, SNAP will be happy to be a part of an electoral pact if it is allowed to contest in the said 27 constituencies. However, should there be a free for all, SNAP has the capacity and candidates to contest up to 40 seats.

That is an option that it will take only if there is no more rules of engagement among the opposition parties.

Finances

Opposition supporters are hoping, and SNAP along with them, that the natives in a bold decisive move will act with political maturity and courage to invoke an electoral tsunami. It is indeed high expectations.

However, it is disheartening to note that while such a lofty commitment is expected of natives, the possibility that their commitment might extend to financing the election campaign that they favour is strangely dismissed by these commentators.

On this premise, SNAP is maliciously accused of conspiring with BN in order to get political funding. Such accusations are insulting to SNAP and are the furthest from the truth.

These commentators underestimated and underrated successful natives as people who cannot put money where their hearts are. In the last few months, SNAP has been inundated with monetary contributions fromwell-to-do natives working abroad.

Perhaps these commentators have stereotyped natives to the point that it is unthinkable to them, for example, that a native petroleum engineer working in the Middle East and earning US$25,000 a month and who is moved by the plight of his community, will contribute up to RM100,000 to SNAP’s election campaign.

SNAP needs money badly but it also realises that an efficient and honest campaign will not be too dependent on huge campaign budgets.

Quality of candidates

It has been mentioned that SNAP’s candidates are of the quality that can be bought over once elected. It is as if there is a fail-proof
formula to prevent this. At SNAP, we humbly submit that we have dealt with this issue on a ‘best-effort’ basis. It is only those who have not gone through the rigours of election management that wishfully think a watertight formula is ever possible.

By the same token SNAP would like to hear those people who doubt the integrity of our candidates, if it is at all possible, to attest their supreme confidence that candidates of PKR or any of the other opposition parties will not jump ship once elected.

SNAP’s list of candidates is multiracial in nature. It comprises young professionals and also a good mix of Dayak nationalists with experience far beyond those of the commentators.

Conclusion

Let the voters decide. SNAP respects the opinions of others as their right to voice out opinions in a democracy. By the same token, SNAP reserves its right to its own political action without having to be accused of treachery and all the other tales that make interesting gossip at the teh tarek stalls.

SNAP urges that before certain presumptions are made, basic empirical research should be done that goes beyond mere rhetoric and wishful thinking.

Like everybody else in this state, we wish to unseat the Taib regime. But we will do it in a manner that safeguards Sarawakian and Dayak control over their own affairs and destiny, and avoid jumping out of the pot into the fire. Our words are based on actual experience but we certainly welcome learned comments and guidance from armchair politicians made in good faith. God bless the people of Sarawak.

The writer is director of operations of SNAP and holds a master degre in political science. He was previously the deputy secretary-general of PKR.

Smut video, scumbag and Umno politics

What was a member of the Malaysian royal household, allegedly from Selangor, doing at a screening of the sex video at Shangri-la hotel?

The story surrounding the Carcosa smut video has been retold so many times by so many people. Before Carcosa there was Flamingo. Before Flamingo there was even a private viewing for five people at the Shangri-La hotel.

I think those five people at the Shangrila screenimg should be hauled up for questioning. At each of these viewings, the main protagonists were present – Shazryl Eskay Abdullah and Rahim Tamby Chik.

At the Shangri-La screening, there was another businessman, a member of an opposition party and a member of one of the royal households in Malaysia.

It seems each of these people was to be conditioned to pursue a specific agenda. This was to have been achieved by having each of these people believe that the male person doing the sex act is (PKR de facto leader) Anwar Ibrahim.

The leading member of an opposition party was invited so as to give validation of the sex video.

The businessman – perhaps his role was to convince those people with whom he is closest. Rahim and Eskay – they are now the new paragons of virtue – the chosen ones to be the standard torch- bearers of the new morality.

It’s the role of the member of the royalty that is baffling. If the royal houses think they want to become involved in politics, please do so and expect the institutions to be attacked.

He is said to be a crucial link in BN’s effort to destabilise the Selangor government and kick out Khalid Ibrahim.

Khalid is to be replaced by someone more pliable to BN and Umno.

But first let’s focus on the video. We have not seen it, but let us agree that it’s a sex video.

Charge them

The producers of the video themselves said so – this is a video showing a person who is a leading opposition party leader in the act of engaging in sexual intercourse with a prostitute. It is therefore a pornographic material.

Why should the veracity of the smut video be established?

Why should we waste more public money and resources?

For the last 13 years, our country’s focus was transfixed to matters of the anus. It has been really “annus horribilis” for Malaysians.

As we shall show later, it will not be “annus mirabilis” for Umno if they think the misfortunes visited upon Anwar, either caused by others or brought upon by himself, are bonuses for them.

This is not a legal case yet – so it’s all politics.

Why should we offer protection to the three people who brazenly and smugly admitted they were behind the video?

I am also disturbed and hope others are too at the not too bright answer given by a top police officer to journalists who had asked if he was going to make any arrests. The top cop asked the journalists to tell him “to arrest on what charges”?

Well charge them with peddling pornographic material, for one. The whole issue has been politicised to a level of importance beyond what it deserves.

Anwar got away for the first time on technical grounds. That case and episode need not be reprised over and over again. Unless, the intention is politics.

Same here. The video is nothing but a tool for politics. The video hasn’t seen its day in court. So it has no legal significance yet.

Loyalty and friendship

If it does, the whole country will be thrown into a political cauldron once more. The sadder thing is, it involves basically Malays.

I am more interested to look at the moral issues there. To my mind, there is this question of loyalty and friendship.

Even among thieves there seems to be a code of honour.

The Eskay guy, some say, was a one-time masseuse with the national football team who ended up offering his services to political luminaries.

That’s how he got into intimacy with many leaders. Perhaps this was how he got close to Anwar in the first place. A close friendship developed between the two and Eskay wasn’t slow to leverage on the friendship he had with the nation’s number two.

It was Eskay who delivered the first cut. And the first cut is always the deepest, they say.

No matter what reasons Eskay gives to rationalise his decision to squeal on his friend or conspire to frame a friend, he should be treated as the leper that he is.

All Umno leaders must distance themselves from this kind of character.  He gives a new meaning to friendship and loyalty.

The smut video is all about politics at the moment. Eskay has an ongoing case with the contractor who was to build the crooked bridge.

He will receive his money soon as the contractor has been commanded with a decree to pay up lest the whole affair becomes messier.

Here is a challenge to Eskay. If Eskay has the interest of the nation at heart as he claims to have, then he should pursue the matter in open court.

Let all be in the open. Malaysians would like to know who else are involved in the crooked bridge deal.

Malaysians want to know the identity of not only the fornicators but also plunderers and conspirators stealing money from the public.

Let’s expose all this economic pillage and those behind the theft with the same vigour and pious motives these people associate the revelations of the sex video with.

By Mohd Ariff Sabri Aziz - The writer is a former Umno state assemblyman and a columnist with FMT

'Election handouts ARE bribes'

The Malaysian chapter of the corruption watchdog Transparency International (TI-M) has refuted the claim that election handouts are not bribes.

"This is especially during campaigning. Unfortunately there are no adequate laws to deal with those things, especially when it comes to cash and sewing machines," said TI-Malaysia president Paul Low.

"There are a lot of promises made, like building a bridge. These promises are borderline.

"You cross the line when you say, 'here is RM1,000, vote for me'," Low (right) told a press conference at the organisation's headquarters this morning.

This directly contradicts a claim by Minister in Prime Minister's Department Mohamed Nazri Abdul Aziz.

The minister had told the Dewan Rakyat in a written reply yesterday that 'assistance' given to people during an election cannot be interpreted as corruption.

"We have promised to fulfil (our manifesto)... sewing machine assistance for instance, if it is not given during the election, it will be given after the election. It's the same. Is this an offence?" Nazri told Ab Azizi Ab Kadir (PKR-Ketereh) during Question Time.

"We cannot stop giving out assistance (during elections) because we will still be providing such assistance after the election."

Low said election promises, though, are not tantamount to corruption.

"Promises are not corruption and we're not really bothered unless the Election Commission (EC) comes up with rules that it cannot be done. It may be unethical but it is not corruption."

While saying that both the opposition and ruling coalitions are guilty of making election promises, he called on the people to be more discerning.

"If someone promises you a bridge, (tell the politicians): It is our right to development for our constituency - why not implement it before an election?"

EC still doesn't seem to be independent

While TI-M can come up with ideas for free and fair elections, there will still not be a difference if the EC is beset with perception problems, said Low.

"There needs to be a reform in the election process for the do's and don'ts. There are a lot of grey areas now. Many countries have very specific do's and don'ts for elections, but Malaysia does not have that...

"In practice, the EC does not seem to be independent. It has to at least be seen to be independent.

"At the moment, the EC is just managing elections, not enforcing... this is an area where we need to strengthen the commission for more powers to conduct an election campaign."

With the 10th Sarawak election due next month, TI-M called for a free and fair process, with an eye on political financing.

"The impending Sarawak election offers great challenges and opportunities for a free, fair and honest election.

"One of the biggest threats to free, fair and honest elections is political corruption - the mother of all corruption."

'Mixed messages from Najib'

Low also touched on the government's various development plans and its integrity.

"We believe that the acid test (for the Government Transformation Programme) is whether the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) will improve or not, because that will be used by the investors.

"Though Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak has said that there will be transparency, there are some mixed messages. Some tenders are open but some are not, like (for) the mass rail transit project.

"Maybe we're in transition, but we need to be consistent."

The CPI index dropped from 4.5 in 2010 to 4.4 this year. However, Malaysia's ranking remained the same - as the 56th least corrupt country. Regina Lee

GTP: Why There Is No Reason For Govt To Blow Its Trumpet

Chua Jui Meng

The annual report of the Government Transformation Programme (GTP) has just come out.

Predictably it is a feel good and highly manipulative document whose actual accomplishments are totally out of line with what is needed to improve the lives of Malaysians.

All the statistics regurgitated by a compliant BN mass media are meant to impress Malaysians but they actually bring scorn and disbelief.

Some rural infrastructure has finally been delivered by the BN Government. But how much exactly?

Are these so-called RBI accomplishments the long overdue entitlements to the rural areas? Are these KPI on rural infrastructure what has been promised by so many BN Prime Ministers for so long? Have the rural folk who have waited for decades finally been given what the BN rural representatives have promised every elections without fail – ever since 1957!

On closer scrutiny of the statistical data, it is clear that only a very small number of the rural population are benefitting from the GTP. Malaysia has a rural population estimated at 8 million people or 2 million rural households. Let us examine closely what the GTP has provided to make the New Straits Times scream in its headline "Better quality of life for rural folk"

-  A pathetic 16,000 houses were repaired or constructed. This is a number which any government should be ashamed to put out in a report.

-  Water was delivered to only 36,000 rural households. This number is not only pathetically low but is in fact only half the small number promised by the Government.

-  Electricity was delivered to even less households – 27,000.

-  Finally, only 780 km of roads were constructed

The truth is that the rural development record of the Government in the GTP is no better than its past woeful record which saw our rural people neglected and impoverished so that many had no choice but to migrate to the urban areas to find a decent living.

The GTP is a shameful record of under-achievement, mismanagement, failure to deliver the goods and empty promises. A few rural constituencies where by elections were held during the past two years where the Government was forced to provide roads and other infrastructure so as to bribe voters have benefitted. A very small number of favoured rural households of BN supporters have also benefitted.

In contrast, the vast majority of the over 2 million rural households have got nothing from the GTP. Yet the Government and its mass media cronies are trying to fool them by reminding them they are enjoying a better quality of life thanks to the GTP.

The same pack of lies is being told to the average Malaysian on the other 5 NKRAs. Has the urban transportation system really improved under the GTP? The best people to answer this question are the commuters caught in countless hours of waiting in queues in the cities and urban areas. Has crime been reduced? Ask the average housewife in our housing estates who is living in insecurity and fear? Is corruption being eradicated? Don’t ask UMNOputeras or other BNputeras or cronies the question. Rather ask the average Malaysian who has to pay coffee money for everything and who is fully aware of how high level corruption continues to flourish under BN rule. Has student achievement been improved as a result of the GTP? Ask the parents who are taking their children out of the national school system if they can afford it, and who have to spend hundreds of dollars every month on private tuition because the standard in the schools are so bad.

The Government and the GTP drafting team may have their statistical fairy tales but few believe or have any confidence in what the BN spin masters are pushing out. The Prime Minister and his back room boys and consultants massaging the GTP may believe like Goebbels, the Nazi propaganda chief, that if they repeat a lie long enough, it becomes truth.

However Malaysians are a lot smarter and wiser to the tricks of the BN. They know that the GTP is a lot of hype and empty hot air leading to the coming elections. The PKR is confident that the good people of Malaysia will know how to separate truth from BN fiction and lies.